Thursday, August 27, 2026

 

Choiseul on the Move

GROOM & BLOOM

Helping Our Boys Step Into the New School Year With Confidence
A practical back-to-school initiative helping school-aged boys across Choiseul-Saltibus look sharp, feel confident and start the new school year on a positive note.

As families across Choiseul and Saltibus prepare for the opening of school, a simple but thoughtful initiative is helping to ensure that some of our young boys return to the classroom looking sharp, feeling confident and ready for a fresh start.

Choiseul on the Move welcomes and supports the “Groom & Bloom” Back-to-School Haircut Assistance Program, presented by Parliamentary Representative for Choiseul-Saltibus, Hon. Keithson “Kiffo” Charles.

πŸ“… Programme Dates
Friday, August 28
Saturday, August 29
Monday, August 31, 2026

✂️ More Than Just a Haircut

At first glance, this may appear to be simply about getting a haircut before school. But initiatives such as Groom & Bloom can have a much wider impact.

Preparing children for a new school year places additional financial pressure on many households. Parents are already faced with purchasing uniforms, shoes, books, school supplies, transportation and other necessities.

Helping with even one of those expenses can make a difference.

A fresh haircut may not determine a child's academic success, but confidence, dignity and a sense of belonging can certainly contribute to a positive beginning.

πŸ’ˆ Supporting Our Local Barbers

Another commendable aspect of the initiative is its involvement of local barbers and barbering businesses.

The programme does more than assist children and their families. It also places business into the hands of people providing valuable services within our communities.

πŸ’ˆ Orie’s Barbershop
πŸ“ Londonderry, Saltibus
πŸ“ž 719-5361
πŸ’ˆ The Community Barbershop
πŸ“ Belle Vue Dacretin & Environs
πŸ“ž 721-5132
πŸ’ˆ Studio 16 – Hasan the Barber
πŸ“ Choiseul Barber “Hassan” — Operating from Vieux Fort
πŸ’ˆ Bertram’s Barbershop
πŸ“ Choiseul Village

Whenever community assistance can simultaneously help families, support local entrepreneurs and uplift young people, the benefits extend well beyond the immediate recipients.

πŸ‘¦πŸ½ Our Boys Deserve Encouragement

As we speak about education, we should also remember the importance of giving our boys encouragement.

Young men need to know that their community sees them, believes in them and expects great things from them.

Whether through educational assistance, sports, mentorship, skills training or something as simple as helping them prepare for the first day of school, every positive intervention sends an important message:

YOU MATTER.
YOUR EDUCATION MATTERS.
YOUR FUTURE MATTERS.

That message should come not only from politicians, but from parents, teachers, businesses, churches, community organisations and ordinary citizens.

πŸ‘ Credit Where Credit Is Due

Choiseul on the Move has always maintained that community development should be bigger than political colours.

When an initiative benefits our people, we should be mature enough to acknowledge it. When something needs improvement, we should also be prepared to say so.

On this occasion, Groom & Bloom is a practical and timely initiative deserving of support.

We therefore commend Hon. Keithson “Kiffo” Charles, the participating barbers and everyone involved in bringing the programme together.

Most importantly, we hope the young boys who benefit will walk into their classrooms next week not only with a fresh trim, but with renewed confidence and determination.

πŸŽ’ To Our Students Across Choiseul and Saltibus

Walk through those school gates with your heads held high.

Work hard.
Respect your teachers.
Believe in yourselves.
Make your families and communities proud.

A new school year means another opportunity to learn, grow and bloom.

Choiseul is moving —
and our young people must move forward with it.
— Choiseul on the Move

Friday, August 21, 2026

 

CASE CLOSED — BUT BY WHOM?

The Richard Frederick Investigation Raises a Bigger Constitutional Question

The police investigation involving Housing Minister Richard Frederick has come to an end.

Commissioner of Police Verne Garde announced that the allegation investigated by police was “not sustained.”

That finding must be treated fairly. An allegation is not proof of wrongdoing. An investigation is not a conviction. And Richard Frederick should not be declared guilty in the court of public opinion simply because police investigated an allegation against him.

But after listening carefully to the Commissioner's explanation, Choiseul on the Move believes another question now deserves attention.

It is perhaps even more important than asking what the original allegation was:

Was the completed investigation ever submitted to the Director of Public Prosecutions?

That question matters because Saint Lucia's Constitution establishes an important separation between investigation and prosecution.

Police Investigate — The DPP Prosecutes

The Royal Saint Lucia Police Force investigates suspected criminal offences.

Police interview witnesses, collect evidence, conduct searches where lawfully authorised and determine whether an investigation has produced evidence requiring further action.

But the Director of Public Prosecutions occupies a separate constitutional office.

Section 73 of the Constitution gives the DPP authority to institute and undertake criminal proceedings against persons before the courts.

The DPP may also take over criminal proceedings instituted by another person or authority and may discontinue proceedings before judgment.

Indeed, the Constitution makes the DPP's authority particularly powerful by providing that certain prosecutorial powers are exercised “to the exclusion of any other person or authority.”

That independence exists for an important reason.

Political considerations should not determine who gets prosecuted.

Neither should public pressure.

The evidence and the law should determine that.

So What Exactly Did Commissioner Garde Close?

This is where careful language becomes important.

There is nothing inherently unusual about police concluding an investigation.

If investigators examine an allegation and determine that the available evidence does not substantiate it, the police cannot reasonably be expected to investigate forever.

If Commissioner Garde was saying, “The police investigation is complete and investigators found insufficient evidence to sustain the allegation,” that is one thing.

But deciding whether criminal proceedings should ultimately be instituted is another matter.

That is why the public deserves clarification about what happened between those two stages.

Was the Richard Frederick investigative file submitted to the DPP for review?

If it was, simply tell the country that.

If it was not, then another reasonable question follows:

Why not?

That question does not presume wrongdoing by Commissioner Garde.

Neither does it presume guilt on the part of Richard Frederick.

It simply asks Saint Lucia's institutions to explain the process followed in a matter involving a sitting Cabinet Minister.

Remember How Serious This Became

This was not some passing rumour circulating on Facebook.

Richard Frederick was detained and questioned by police.

His residence was reportedly searched.

The matter generated weeks of national controversy.

The Government publicly called upon citizens to respect due process and the independence of the police investigation.

Prime Minister Philip J. Pierre indicated that he would await the outcome of that investigation before determining what action, if any, should be taken concerning Frederick's position in Cabinet.

Saint Lucians therefore waited.

Now that the investigation has concluded, surely citizens are entitled to understand how it concluded.

And We Still Don't Know the Allegation

Then comes the second troubling question.

When Commissioner Garde was asked about the allegation, he declined to disclose it.

There may be perfectly legitimate reasons for that.

Disclosure could potentially identify a complainant. It could expose sensitive personal information. It could unfairly damage someone's reputation by publicly repeating an allegation police were unable to substantiate.

Those possibilities should not simply be dismissed.

But if confidentiality is necessary, the Commissioner should be able to explain why confidentiality remains necessary without revealing the confidential information itself.

There is a considerable difference between saying, “I cannot disclose this because doing so could identify or compromise the privacy of an individual involved” and simply leaving the country wondering what happened.

“Not Sustained” Also Deserves Clarification

There is another phrase Saint Lucians should examine carefully.

The Commissioner reportedly said the allegation was “not sustained.”

That should not automatically be transformed into:

“The allegation was proven false.”

Those are not necessarily the same conclusion.

An allegation may fail to be sustained because investigators could not obtain sufficient evidence to establish it.

That does not make the accused person guilty. Quite the opposite: without sufficient evidence, the presumption of innocence remains fundamental.

But accuracy matters.

The public should know precisely what conclusion investigators reached rather than allowing politicians and commentators on either side to manufacture their preferred interpretation.

Three Questions — No Conspiracy Theories Required

Choiseul on the Move therefore puts three straightforward questions to Commissioner Garde:

1. Without revealing names, witnesses or sensitive information, what was the general nature or category of the allegation investigated?

2. If even the general nature of the allegation cannot be disclosed, what legal, privacy or investigative consideration prevents its disclosure now that the police investigation has concluded?

3. Most importantly, was the completed investigative file submitted to the Director of Public Prosecutions for review before it was announced that the allegation was “not sustained”?

These are not accusations.

They are questions.

And democratic institutions should never fear reasonable questions.

This Is Bigger Than Richard Frederick

Supporters of Richard Frederick may understandably regard the conclusion of the investigation as vindication.

His political opponents may remain suspicious.

But institutional accountability cannot depend upon whether the person being investigated wears red, yellow, blue or green.

Imagine the same circumstances involving a minister from another government.

Would we ask the same questions?

We should.

The constitutional safeguards surrounding criminal justice exist precisely because important decisions should not depend upon personalities or politics.

Police investigate.
Prosecutors prosecute.
Courts determine guilt where charges are brought.

And citizens have every right to ask whether those institutions operated according to the procedures designed to protect both the accused and the public.

Respect Frederick's Rights — And Ask the Questions

Nothing presently before the public justifies declaring Richard Frederick guilty of an undisclosed allegation that police say was not sustained.

His presumption of innocence should be respected.

Similarly, nothing presently before the public establishes that Commissioner Garde improperly terminated the investigation.

We should not manufacture evidence that does not exist.

Transparency does not require accusation.
It requires explanation.

Tell us generally what was investigated, insofar as the law permits.

Tell us why further disclosure cannot be made if legitimate confidentiality considerations prevent it.

And tell us whether the investigative file went before the independent Director of Public Prosecutions.

If those questions have straightforward answers, providing them would strengthen rather than weaken confidence in the Royal Saint Lucia Police Force.

The police may have closed their investigation.

But there remains one question that deserves a clear answer:

WAS THE FILE PLACED BEFORE THE DPP?

Until Saint Lucians know that, saying simply “case closed” may close a police file — but it does not necessarily close the legitimate public-interest questions surrounding it.

Choiseul on the Move — Independent community commentary.
Accountability should never depend on political colour.

 

πŸ•Š️ CHOISEUL MOURNS ONE OF ITS OWN: Remembering Mhakeida Nzingha Nestor – A Beautiful Life Gone Too Soon

By Choiseul on the Move

There are moments when words simply seem too small for the weight of the sorrow we feel.

Today is one of those days.

The communities of Choiseul, SoufriΓ¨re, and indeed the entire nation of Saint Lucia continue to grapple with the unimaginable tragedy that unfolded on our waters when two vessels—Mango Tours, travelling south, and Ocean Angel, travelling north—were involved in a devastating head-on collision.

What should have been an ordinary journey became one of the darkest days in recent memory.

According to the Royal Saint Lucia Police Force, twenty-one-year-old Mhakeida Nzingha Nestor and twenty-five-year-old Debbie Dolor lost their lives as a result of the collision. Fourteen other individuals sustained injuries and were brought safely to shore, while search-and-rescue teams continue their tireless efforts in the hope of locating Tyrone Elevic, 25, of Barons Drive, Soufrière, his body was eventually recovered.

Today, our thoughts remain with every victim and every family whose lives have been forever changed.

🌺 A Daughter of La Fargue, Choiseul

For us here at Choiseul on the Move, this tragedy strikes especially close to home.

Mhakeida Nzingha Nestor, born on April 19, 2005, was one of our own.

A proud daughter of La Fargue, Choiseul, she carried with her the values that so often define our communities—kindness, humility, compassion, and a willingness to serve others.

Although her life was cut tragically short at just twenty-one years old, her impact far exceeded her years.

She leaves behind not only grieving parents, family members, relatives and friends, but an entire community that watched a bright young woman blossom into someone determined to make a difference.

🍎 A Teacher Who Loved Children

Perhaps no role described Mhakeida more beautifully than that of teacher.

Serving at Soufrière Infant School, she embraced the privilege of helping to shape young minds during the most important years of their development.

Teaching was never just a profession.

It was her calling.

Every child who entered her classroom was met with patience, kindness, encouragement and a smile that could brighten even the most difficult day.

Teachers rarely see the full measure of the seeds they plant.

Years from now, countless children may not remember every lesson they were taught, but many will remember Miss Nestor—the teacher who believed in them, encouraged them, comforted them, and made learning a joyful experience.

That is a legacy that no tragedy can erase.

❤️ A Life Shaped by Love

Mhakeida's story was one surrounded by love.

During her early childhood, she was lovingly cared for by her guardian, Claudette, whose guidance and nurturing helped lay the foundation for the remarkable young woman she would become.

She later continued her journey under the loving care and support of her mother, Charlene, whose encouragement helped shape her compassionate spirit and unwavering commitment to others.

Together, they helped raise a young woman who carried love wherever she went.

Today, that same love returns to embrace her family during their deepest hour of grief.

Click the link for the video: https://youtu.be/gnXOGifNw2c

🌊 When Tragedy Strikes 

The sea has always been part of Caribbean life.

It connects our communities, supports our livelihoods, and brings countless moments of joy.

Yet every so often it reminds us of how fragile life truly is.

The collision involving Mango Tours and Ocean Angel has left families devastated, dreams interrupted, and an entire nation asking difficult questions.

While investigations will determine exactly what happened, today our first responsibility is not to debate—it is to mourn, to support, and to stand beside those carrying unimaginable pain.

🀝 Standing With Every Family

Our hearts are with the family and loved ones of:

πŸ•Š️ Mhakeida Nzingha Nestor

πŸ•Š️ Debbie Dolor

We also continue praying for the recovery of the injured and remain hopeful for positive news regarding Tyrone Elevic, who remains missing as search efforts continue.

May every rescuer be protected.

May every grieving family find strength.

May every survivor find healing.

🌹 Gone Too Soon... Never Forgotten

Some lives are measured by years.

Others are measured by the love they leave behind.

Mhakeida's life belongs in the latter.

Though only twenty-one years were granted to her, she filled them with compassion, purpose, and service.

The children whose lives she touched...

The colleagues who worked beside her...

The friends who laughed with her...

The family who loved her...

And the community that proudly called her one of its own...

Will forever carry a part of her spirit.


πŸ•Š️ A Community's Promise

Here at Choiseul on the Move, we do more than report the news.

We celebrate our people.

We mourn with our people.

And today we promise that Mhakeida Nzingha Nestor will not simply become another headline.

She will be remembered as a daughter of La Fargue, a proud Choiseulian, a caring teacher, a beautiful soul, and a young woman whose light continues to shine in every child she inspired.

May Almighty God grant eternal rest to Mhakeida Nzingha Nestor and Debbie Dolor, comfort every grieving heart, strengthen those recovering from their injuries, and watch over all who continue the search for Tyrone Elevic.

Rest in eternal peace.

Your journey on earth may have ended far too soon...

But your memory will live forever.

"Blessed are those who mourn, for they shall be comforted."Matthew 5:4

Choiseul on the Move extends its deepest condolences to the Nestor family, the Dolor family, every person affected by this tragedy, and the communities of Choiseul and SoufriΓ¨re. May we continue to lift one another up in prayer, compassion, and unity during this difficult time. πŸ•Š️

Sunday, August 16, 2026

 

πŸŽ’πŸ“š WHEN OUR CHILDREN WIN, CHOISEUL-SALTIBUS WINS

Choiseul on the Move

As another school year approaches, there is one reality we should never forget: getting a child ready for school can place tremendous pressure on a family budget.

Uniforms, shoes, books, bags, stationery, transportation and lunch money all add up. For a household already balancing groceries, electricity, water and other expenses, back-to-school preparation can become a serious financial challenge.

That is why Choiseul on the Move commends Parliamentary Representative Hon. Keithson “Kiffo” Charles and his constituency team for the 2026 Constituency Educational Assistance Programme and the upcoming Back-to-School Assistance Distribution Ceremony.

Successful applicants and their parents or guardians have been invited to the Choiseul Secondary School on Sunday, August 16, at 10:00 a.m. to receive their assistance.

But this initiative represents more than the distribution of school supplies or financial support.

❤️ It represents a little breathing room for families.

For some parents, assistance at this time of year may mean not having to choose between paying a household bill and purchasing what a child needs for school.

For a student, it can mean walking into the classroom on the first day feeling prepared, confident and equal among his or her peers.

And that matters.

Education remains one of the strongest tools we have for changing the circumstances of individuals, families and entire communities. When we invest in a child's education today, we are investing in the teacher, entrepreneur, farmer, engineer, nurse, tradesperson or community leader of tomorrow.

We therefore welcome programmes that put tangible assistance directly into the hands of families who need it.

At the same time, initiatives like this remind us that supporting education must remain a community-wide responsibility — involving government, parents, teachers, businesses, community organisations and ordinary citizens.

Our children deserve every opportunity we can give them.

πŸ‘ Choiseul on the Move says well done to Hon. Keithson Charles and everyone involved in making this programme possible.

And to the students of Choiseul-Saltibus preparing for the new academic year:

Take this opportunity seriously. Study hard. Believe in yourselves. Make your parents proud. Make your communities proud.

Because every book placed in the hands of a child today could help write a completely different story tomorrow.

Investing in our children is investing in the future of Choiseul-Saltibus. πŸŽ“πŸ“š❤️

#ChoiseulOnTheMove #ChoiseulSaltibus #BackToSchool2026 #EducationMatters #InvestInOurChildren #CommunityDevelopment #YouthEmpowerment

Saturday, August 15, 2026


STEP IN CHOISEUL-SALTIBUS

Dignity in Work — But Where Is the Path to Real Employment?

Let us begin where there should be no disagreement: there is dignity in work.

The men and women presently cleaning drains, cutting overgrown roadsides and beautifying communities across Choiseul-Saltibus deserve their respect. The photographs coming out of Morne Jacques and other communities show people working, and the work they are doing is necessary.

But we should be careful not to confuse a few weeks of temporary work with an employment strategy.

That is where the conversation about the Short Term Employment Programme — STEP needs to go.

The constituency representative has praised STEP for putting money into people's hands at important times — helping parents purchase school supplies, put something extra on the table at Christmas, or meet other household expenses.

Fair enough.

For a struggling household, even a few weeks' wages can make a difference.

But After All These Years, Shouldn't We Be Asking a Bigger Question?

Where does STEP lead?

If a person cuts grass this year, cleans drains during another cycle and returns to the same temporary programme next year, have we really created employment — or have we simply created periodic relief?

Who Gets Selected?

There is another uncomfortable question that deserves an answer.

How are STEP workers and supervisors selected?

There is a perception within communities that some of the same supervisors return from one STEP cycle to another and that people connected to those supervisors may have an advantage in getting selected.

Whether that perception is completely accurate or not, the solution is simple: transparency.

Publish the criteria.

  • Tell the constituency how supervisors are selected.
  • Explain how workers are chosen.
  • Tell us how many people applied.
  • Tell us how many were accepted.
  • Explain whether priority is given to people who have never previously benefited from STEP.

If STEP belongs to the people, nobody should have to know the right person, support the right politician or belong to the right circle just to get a few weeks' work.

Dignity Must Include Fairness

This is where the phrase “dignity in work” becomes especially important.

Dignity is not merely receiving a cutlass, rake or shovel and being given several days or weeks of employment.

Dignity is also knowing that you had a fair opportunity to get the job.

🌿 Dignity is being able to provide for your family beyond one STEP cycle.

πŸ› ️ Dignity is acquiring skills that make you more employable when STEP ends.

πŸ“ˆ Dignity is moving from temporary assistance towards sustainable employment.

What If STEP Became a Real Stepping Stone?

Imagine if every STEP cycle included skills certification, basic occupational safety training, landscaping instruction, small-business development or pathways into construction, agriculture, tourism and other sectors.

Then STEP could become more than temporary employment.

It could become a stepping stone.

The More Things Change...

Successive governments have used short-term employment programmes because they provide immediate relief and visible community improvements.

But Choiseul-Saltibus deserves more than another political photograph every time the bushes are cut.

We should be able to applaud the workers and still demand better from the system.

Clean drains are good.

Clean roadsides are good.

Putting some money into people's pockets is good.

But the ultimate measure of development cannot simply be how many people government can temporarily employ.

It must also be how many people eventually no longer need STEP.

That would be something worth celebrating.

Dignity. Opportunity. Fairness.

Those three principles should be at the heart of any programme claiming to empower our people.

The Question Choiseul-Saltibus Should Be Asking

After decades of STEP, when does the “short-term” opportunity finally become a pathway to something long-term?

Choiseul on the Move
Community • Accountability • Development

 

IF THE COST OF LIVING RISES FOR EVERYONE,SHOULD RELIEF RISE FOR EVERYONE TOO?

Choiseul on the Move — Question of the Day

Here is the question:
If Government accepts that rising living costs justify adjusting the incomes of people at the upper end of the public service, should there also be an automatic mechanism that provides some relief to the pensioner, minimum-wage worker, unemployed parent and low-income household when the cost of basic living rises sharply?

It is a question that deserves serious discussion, particularly at a time when many Saint Lucians are feeling increasing pressure on their household budgets.

The price of food matters. Electricity matters. Bus fare matters. Cooking gas matters. Medication matters. School supplies matter. Rent matters. These are not luxuries. They are the everyday expenses that determine how comfortably—or how painfully—a family is able to survive from one month to the next.

When the cost of those necessities rises, the effect is not restricted to one category of worker. It reaches almost everyone.

The Same Supermarket, The Same Electricity Company

A senior public officer and a pensioner may earn very different amounts, but both shop in the same supermarkets.

A politician, a minimum-wage worker and an unemployed mother all face the same increases when basic food prices go up.

The electricity company does not ask a customer whether he earns $1,500 a month or $10,000 a month before issuing the bill.

The bus driver does not charge a reduced fare simply because a passenger is struggling financially.

Inflation does not discriminate.

What differs is the ability of households to absorb it.

That is the heart of the issue.

A $50 increase in monthly living expenses may be inconvenient to a high-income household. For a pensioner or minimum-wage family, that same $50 can determine whether medication is purchased, whether a utility bill is paid on time, or whether enough groceries are bought for the week.

Income Adjustments Should Raise a Wider Question

Whenever Government reviews salaries at the upper levels of the public service, there will naturally be debate about whether those adjustments are justified.

But perhaps the more important national conversation should go beyond personalities, positions and percentages.

If rising costs are accepted as a legitimate reason for reviewing one person's income, then Saint Lucia must also ask how the country protects those whose incomes remain almost completely fixed while prices continue moving upward.

Pensioners cannot simply negotiate a higher pension every time grocery prices rise.

Minimum-wage workers do not automatically receive an increase because electricity, transportation and food become more expensive.

An unemployed parent may have no regular income at all, yet still has children to feed, clothe and send to school.

Low-income households frequently have the smallest financial cushion and therefore feel increases in essential expenses first and hardest.

Should Saint Lucia Consider an Automatic Cost-of-Living Mechanism?

This does not necessarily mean that every person should receive the same increase.

It means asking whether Saint Lucia should develop a more predictable system for responding when the cost of basic living rises beyond a certain point.

Such a mechanism could involve periodic reviews of areas such as:

  • minimum wages;
  • non-contributory and contributory pension support;
  • public assistance payments;
  • child and family support programmes;
  • transportation assistance;
  • school-related support;
  • utility assistance for vulnerable households; and
  • targeted relief when food and energy prices rise sharply.

The important word is automatic.

Too often, relief for poorer households depends on a special programme being announced, an application being opened, funding being identified, or political decisions being made after families have already spent months struggling.

A structured mechanism would create clearer expectations.

If inflation or the price of a defined basket of basic goods rises beyond an agreed level, Government could be required to review certain forms of income support.

Not Every Increase Has to Be a Salary Increase

Relief can take different forms.

Government does not necessarily have to respond to every cost-of-living increase by permanently raising every payment.

There could be temporary food support, transportation subsidies, electricity credits, school assistance, targeted tax relief or direct support for households below a particular income level.

The aim should be to prevent families from falling further behind simply because the prices of necessities increase faster than their incomes.

Come Down From the Numbers to the Household

Economic discussions can sometimes become trapped in percentages, reports and parliamentary language.

But come down from the statistics and enter an ordinary home in Choiseul.

Speak to the pensioner calculating whether the money left after paying the electricity bill is enough for medication and groceries.

Speak to the mother preparing children for school and trying to stretch one salary across uniforms, books, transportation, lunch money and household bills.

Speak to the minimum-wage worker whose pay remains almost unchanged while supermarket prices continue creeping upward.

Speak to the unemployed parent who is already depending heavily on relatives, neighbours or occasional jobs.

For those households, the cost of living is not an economic theory.

It is a daily calculation.

The real question is therefore not simply who deserves more.

It is whether Saint Lucia's system of income support responds fairly when the purchasing power of ordinary citizens is being eroded.

Fairness Must Work Both Ways

There is nothing inherently wrong with reviewing salaries after long periods without adjustment.

Workers at every level deserve to have compensation examined from time to time.

But fairness cannot operate only upward.

If Government recognises that inflation reduces the real value of higher salaries, then the same economic principle applies even more strongly to people living on much smaller incomes.

In fact, the lower the household income, the greater the percentage of that income that is usually devoted to essentials.

That means lower-income households often have fewer options when prices rise.

They cannot simply cut back on luxury spending when there was little luxury spending to begin with.

A Conversation Worth Having

Perhaps Saint Lucia is at the point where cost-of-living protection should become part of national economic policy rather than something addressed only through occasional interventions.

There would obviously have to be safeguards.

Any mechanism would have to consider Government's financial capacity, inflation, national productivity, employment levels and the danger of creating additional inflationary pressure.

But those challenges should not prevent the discussion.

A country can acknowledge fiscal realities while still asking whether its most vulnerable citizens deserve a predictable level of protection when economic conditions worsen.

CHOISEUL ON THE MOVE ASKS:

If the cost of living rises for everyone, should relief rise for everyone too?

Should pensions, minimum wages and social-support benefits be automatically reviewed whenever the cost of basic necessities rises significantly?

YES, NO, or IT DEPENDS?
Tell us what you think and, more importantly, tell us why.

Choiseul on the Move encourages respectful discussion on the issues affecting ordinary Saint Lucians. The objective is not merely to argue over politics, but to encourage conversation about policies, fairness and the everyday realities of our communities.

```

Thursday, August 13, 2026

 

FROM WORST TO BEST? ChatGPT Ranks Saint Lucia’s Heads of Government Since Adult Suffrage

Saint Lucia’s political journey has been shaped by some remarkable personalities.

From the rise of representative government and universal adult suffrage, through the era of Chief Ministers and Premiers, Independence in 1979, and into the modern office of Prime Minister, each generation of leadership has faced a different Saint Lucia.


But here is a question that is almost guaranteed to start a lively discussion:

If Saint Lucia’s Chief Ministers, Premiers and Prime Ministers were assessed using the same broad set of leadership and development criteria, how would they rank from the least successful to the most successful?

Choiseul on the Move decided to put that question to ChatGPT.

We did not ask ChatGPT which political party was better. Neither did we ask which leader was the most popular.

The question was essentially this:

“Beginning with Saint Lucia’s post-adult-suffrage era and considering all those who served as Chief Minister, Premier or Prime Minister, rank the country’s heads of government from worst to best using a range of objective criteria, including economic performance, national development, social progress, governance, crisis management, political stability and lasting legacy.”

What follows is ChatGPT’s assessment.

And before anybody reaches for the political boxing gloves, there are some important qualifications.

How Were They Judged?

The assessment used a 100-point framework covering:

Economic management and growth — 20 points

How well did the economy perform? What economic opportunities were created? What condition was the economy in when the leader departed?

Infrastructure and national development — 15 points

Roads, water, ports, public buildings and other major investments that contributed to the physical development of Saint Lucia.

Social development — 15 points

Education, healthcare, poverty reduction, housing, employment opportunities and policies affecting the everyday lives of Saint Lucians.

Governance and institutional strength — 15 points

Accountability, stability, respect for institutions, management of government and the strength of the democratic system.

Crisis leadership — 10 points

How effectively did the administration respond to hurricanes, economic shocks, political crises, global recessions, pandemics and other extraordinary circumstances?

Nation-building and long-term vision — 10 points

Did the leader simply govern for the moment, or did decisions made under his administration influence Saint Lucia decades later?

Foreign affairs and international standing — 5 points

Saint Lucia’s regional and international influence during the administration.

Electoral mandate and political stability — 5 points

The government's ability to secure public support and maintain a functioning and stable administration.

Lasting legacy — 5 points

What remained after the leader was gone?

There was also an important adjustment.

It would be unfair to judge George Charles, governing colonial Saint Lucia in the 1960s, by precisely the same expectations placed upon Philip J. Pierre in the 2020s.

Similarly, Michael Pilgrim's few months in office cannot reasonably be compared with John Compton's decades of political leadership simply by counting roads, schools or government programmes.

The historical circumstances inherited by each leader therefore matter.

With those qualifications established, here is how ChatGPT ranked them.

10. Michael Pilgrim — 48/100

Michael Pilgrim finds himself at the bottom, but that requires immediate explanation.

His was essentially a transitional administration during the extraordinary political turmoil of 1982.

Pilgrim did not receive anything resembling a normal five-year opportunity to implement a national programme. His administration's principal historical role was helping take a deeply divided country towards another general election.

Therefore, #10 should be interpreted as the smallest measurable governmental legacy rather than a declaration that Pilgrim was Saint Lucia's worst political leader.

9. Winston Cenac — 50/100

Winston Cenac inherited a Labour administration already experiencing severe internal divisions.

His premiership lasted only months and eventually became overwhelmed by political instability, protests and industrial unrest.

His resignation in January 1982 helped pave the way for the interim Pilgrim administration and ultimately fresh elections.

The Cenac period therefore scores particularly poorly for governmental stability, although the wider problems of the 1979–82 Labour administration cannot reasonably be blamed on Cenac alone.

8. Vaughan Lewis — 57/100

Vaughan Lewis entered office in 1996 following the retirement of Sir John Compton.

A respected academic and regional technocrat, Lewis had considerable credentials.

His difficulty was political.

He had very little time to establish his own identity as Prime Minister before facing Kenny Anthony and the SLP in the 1997 general election.

The result was devastating: Labour captured 16 of the 17 parliamentary seats.

Lewis may therefore have possessed considerably greater administrative ability than his position on this list suggests. His problem was that history gave him very little time to demonstrate it.

7. Allan Louisy — 61/100

Sir Allan Louisy deserves considerable recognition.

He led the Saint Lucia Labour Party to victory in the first general election following Independence and his government was responsible for important institutional developments, including the establishment of major financial institutions.

But the administration became consumed by bitter internal political divisions.

Louisy eventually resigned in 1981.

What followed was one of the most turbulent periods in Saint Lucian political history, with Winston Cenac and Michael Pilgrim succeeding him before elections were eventually held in 1982.

Louisy therefore receives credit for institution-building but loses heavily on governmental stability.

6. Stephenson King — 66/100

Stephenson King is arguably one of the more underrated leaders on this list.

He inherited the premiership following the illness and death of Sir John Compton.

Then came the global financial crisis.

Then Hurricane Tomas.

King therefore governed during an exceptionally difficult period for a small tourism-dependent Caribbean economy.

His administration maintained governmental stability through those challenges and undertook reconstruction efforts following Tomas.

Where King loses points is in transformational legacy.

His administration is remembered more for navigating difficult circumstances than fundamentally reshaping Saint Lucia.

5. Allen Chastanet — 69/100

Allen Chastanet may generate more disagreement than almost anybody on this list.

His administration pursued an ambitious investment and tourism-development agenda and promoted major infrastructure projects.

However, questions surrounding fiscal management, debt, development agreements, expenditure priorities and governance generated considerable controversy.

Then COVID-19 arrived.

That qualification is extremely important.

Saint Lucia's tourism-dependent economy suffered a catastrophic economic contraction during the pandemic. It would therefore be unfair to attribute the economic collapse at the end of Chastanet's administration simply to domestic government policy.

Nevertheless, the administration became increasingly politically divisive and was overwhelmingly rejected at the 2021 general election.

ChatGPT therefore gives Chastanet significant credit for ambition and investment promotion but marks him down on fiscal vulnerabilities, political consensus and governance concerns.

4. George F. L. Charles — 77/100

Now we enter different territory.

Sir George Charles cannot reasonably be assessed simply by asking how many highways, hotels or multimillion-dollar projects appeared while he governed.

His contribution was more fundamental.

George Charles emerged from Saint Lucia's labour movement and became one of the central figures in the political empowerment of working people during the period surrounding the introduction of universal adult suffrage.

He governed when Saint Lucia remained under British colonial authority and when the powers available to local political leaders were considerably more limited than those enjoyed by today's Prime Ministers.

His legacy rests heavily on workers' rights, democratic participation and giving ordinary Saint Lucians a stronger political voice.

He helped lay the democratic foundation upon which later leaders would build.

3. Philip J. Pierre — 82/100 — PROVISIONAL

This ranking requires the biggest warning label of them all.

Philip J. Pierre is still Prime Minister.

His historical score cannot therefore be final.

Nevertheless, the measurable record to date puts him surprisingly high.

Pierre inherited an economy emerging from the extraordinary COVID-19 collapse.

The subsequent years have produced strong economic recovery, substantial reductions in unemployment and improved primary fiscal balances.

His administration has also pursued measures including the national minimum wage, pension increases and other social interventions aimed particularly at lower-income citizens.

Politically, Pierre subsequently secured another strong electoral mandate.

However, serious challenges remain.

Public debt remains high. Productivity remains an issue. Saint Lucia remains extremely vulnerable to international economic shocks, climate events and changes in tourism.

Most importantly, Pierre's second-term story is still being written.

He could eventually rise above this position.

He could also fall.

History hasn't delivered its verdict yet.

2. Kenny D. Anthony — 85/100

Dr Kenny Anthony ranks as one of the principal architects of modern Saint Lucia.

His first administration arrived with an extraordinary electoral mandate in 1997 when Labour captured 16 of the country's 17 parliamentary seats.

Anthony subsequently presided over important periods of expansion in education, tourism, telecommunications, infrastructure and Saint Lucia's international engagement.

His administrations also operated during Saint Lucia's difficult transition away from the traditional banana-dominated economy towards a modern service- and tourism-oriented economy.

But his record wasn't without difficulties.

Unemployment remained stubbornly high during periods of his administration. Public debt increased, and several government policies and major projects became controversial.

Nevertheless, after approximately fifteen years in the Prime Minister's office across two separate periods, Anthony's influence on modern Saint Lucia is undeniable.

ChatGPT's assessment:

One of Saint Lucia's greatest modernisers — but just short of #1.

1. Sir John Compton — 91/100

And ChatGPT's choice for Saint Lucia's strongest overall head of government of the post-suffrage era is:

Sir John George Melvin Compton.

His extraordinary political longevity alone does not earn him the position.

His developmental footprint does.

Compton led Saint Lucia through some of the most consequential stages of its constitutional development, including Associated Statehood and Independence.

His administrations oversaw major developments in roads, schools, ports, agriculture, tourism, water infrastructure and other areas that helped transform Saint Lucia.

Bananas became the famous "green gold" of the economy during the wider Compton era, while tourism and manufacturing were progressively developed.

Perhaps one of the strongest symbols of the long-term nature of his developmental thinking remains the John Compton Dam — an investment whose importance continues decades later.

Compton was certainly not beyond criticism.

His long political dominance created its own controversies, and Saint Lucia's heavy dependence on preferential banana arrangements eventually exposed major economic vulnerabilities.

But when the question becomes:

Who left the largest physical, economic and institutional footprint on modern Saint Lucia?

ChatGPT gives the edge to Sir John Compton.

The Final Ranking

10 — Michael Pilgrim — 48

9 — Winston Cenac — 50

8 — Vaughan Lewis — 57

7 — Allan Louisy — 61

6 — Stephenson King — 66

5 — Allen Chastanet — 69

4 — George F. L. Charles — 77

3 — Philip J. Pierre — 82 (Provisional)

2 — Kenny D. Anthony — 85

πŸ₯‡ 1 — Sir John Compton — 91

Now Over to You, Saint Lucia

This ranking is not the position of Choiseul on the Move.

It is the response produced by ChatGPT after being asked to assess Saint Lucia's heads of government using a range of historical and developmental criteria.

And perhaps that is what makes this exercise interesting.

You don't have to agree with it.

In fact, we expect many of you won't.

Should George Charles be higher because of his contribution to working-class political empowerment?

Should Kenny Anthony be #1 because of his role in modernising Saint Lucia?

Is Philip J. Pierre ranked too highly when his administration is not yet finished?

Has Stephenson King been underestimated?

Was ChatGPT too generous — or too harsh — towards Allen Chastanet?

And does Sir John Compton genuinely deserve the title of Saint Lucia's greatest head of government?

The comments belong to you.

Forget red and yellow for a moment.

Look at the record.

Who would YOU put at #1 — and who would you put at #10?